Experiences of discrimination: Validity and reliability of a self-report measure for population health research on racism and health

This research found that older individuals with more positive self-perceptions of aging, measured up to 23 years earlier, lived 7.5 years longer than those with less positive self-perceptions of aging. This advantage remained after age, gender, socioeconomic status, loneliness, and functional health were included as covariates. It was also found that this effect is partially mediated by will to live. The sample consisted of 660 individuals aged 50 and older who participated in a community-based survey, the Ohio Longitudinal Study of Aging and Retirement (OLSAR). By matching the OLSAR to mortality data recently obtained from the National Death Index, the authors were able to conduct survival analyses. The findings suggest that the self-perceptions of stigmatized groups can influence longevity.

Longevity increased by positive self-perceptions of aging.

This is the second in a series of three articles 

People who are seeking asylum are not a homogeneous population. Coming from different countries and cultures, they have had, in their own and other countries, a wide range of experiences that may affect their health and nutritional state. In the United Kingdom they face the effects of poverty, dependence, and lack of cohesive social support.1 All these factors undermine both physical and mental health. Additionally, racial discrimination can result in inequalities in health and have an impact on opportunities in and quality of life.2

Refugees' experiences also shape their acceptance and expectations of health care in the United Kingdom.3 Those from countries with no well developed primary healthcare system may expect hospital referral for conditions that in Britain are treated in primary care. This can lead to disappointment for refugees and irritation for health workers, who may also feel overwhelmed by the many and varying needs of asylum seekers, some of which are non-medical but nevertheless affect health. Addressing even a few of these needs may be of considerable benefit.

Previous studies in the United Kingdom have found that one in six refugees has a physical health problem severe enough to affect their life and two thirds have experienced anxiety or depression. 4 5 Disentangling the web of history, symptoms—which may be minimised or exaggerated for a range of reasons—and current coping mechanisms requires patience and often several sessions. Medication should be as simple as possible.

#### Summary points

Asylum seekers and refugees are not a homogeneous group of people, and have differing experiences and expectations of health and of health care

Symptoms of psychological distress are common, but do not necessarily signify mental illness

Trained interpreters or advocates, rather than family members or friends, should be used wherever possible …

Asylum seekers and refugees in Britain: Health needs of asylum seekers and refugees

The relation between perceived racial discrimination and substance use was examined in a panel of 684 African American families, using the prototype-willingness model of adolescent health risk (F. X. Gibbons, M. Gerrard, & D. Lane, 2003). Discrimination was concurrently and prospectively related to use in the parents and the children (mean age = 10.5 years at Wave 1). The discrimination → use relation in the parents was mediated by distress (anxiety and depression). Among the children, the relation was mediated by distress as well as their risk cognitions (favorability of their risk images and their willingness to use) and the extent to which they reported affiliating with friends who were using substances. Each of these relations with discrimination was positive. In contrast, effective parenting was associated with less willingness and intention to use. Theoretical and applied implications of the results are discussed.

Perceived Discrimination and Substance Use in African American Parents and Their Children: A Panel Study.

To date there have been no studies of how both sex and ethnicity might affect the incidence of both sexual and ethnic harassment at work. This article represents an effort to fill this gap. Data from employees at 5 organizations were used to test whether minority women are subject to double jeopardy at work, experiencing the most harassment because they are both women and members of a minority group. The results supported this prediction. Women experienced more sexual harassment than men, minorities experienced more ethnic harassment than Whites, and minority women experienced more harassment overall than majority men, minority men, and majority women.

/pdf/workplace-harassment-double-jeopardy-for-minority-women-13d0rl8rid.pdf

Workplace harassment: double jeopardy for minority women.

Racism and Mental Health

The anthropology of nurse-anthropologists. Introduction.

Several of our panel members have spoken or written about the commonalities between nursing and anthropology. Brink’s, Osborne’s, and Aamodt’s comments about their careers as nurse-anthropologists are symbolic of the dialectical tensions operative in both disciplines. Today, this dialectic seems particularly intense in our common subfield, medical anthropology. On one hand, there is one tradition, as represented by proponents of the explanatory model (including some nurse-anthropologists) who essentially view the task of medical anthropology as one that contributes to the efficacy of clinical medicine. On the other hand, there is another group, as represented by the members of an invited session titled “The Medicalization of Medical Anthropology.” Their concern is that medical anthropology, as a subdiscipline, is becoming more clinical than cultural in its research concerns and practice. Although there may be many commonalities between nursing and anthropology, our major commonality is our pursuit of, and struggle to develop, theories based on our close work with human beings in their natural and human developed settings. A major problem that seems to have beset our first three presenters is the dialectical tension created by getting a doctorate in anthropology and remaining a nurse. A basic theme that runs through their papers is what anthropology has to contribute to nursing and what nursing has to contribute to anthropology. It seems to me that the tasks, challenges, and conflicts facing both of these disciplines are mirrored in their remarks. They all spoke of the evolution of and changes in their work, the importance of teaching others about anthropology, and how they articulated and demonstrated their fusion of anthropology with nursing. Too often, when nurses engage in discourse about these issues, there is a tendency to become too concrete. Thus, we are left with something called the “cultural component” of health care rather

Evelyn L. Barbee

Papers

Racism and Mental Health

The anthropology of nurse-anthropologists. Introduction.

Discussion of Aamodt, Brink, and Osborne